Washington, Jan. 20, 2017
I watched Donald J. Trump’s inauguration today with mixed feelings.
I didn’t vote for him, even though the prospect of another four years of Obama’s “progressivism” under Hillary was awful.
Watching his campaign with disbelief, I thought he was a blend of Peter Keating, demanding attention and affirmation with a hair-trigger intolerance for being dissed; and of Gail Wynand, building power by appealing to the lowest common denominator.
Yet I have to admit that, on election eve, my heart lifted when the results cascaded in his favor. It wasn’t just that Hillary lost, and that the commentators and media were so flummoxed. It seemed that something new and promising might actually happen.
Two things have boosted that feeling.
The first is that Trump has nominated strong, independent, successful people to his cabinet. Rex Tillerson, CEO of Exxon; Andy Puzder, CEO of CKE fast food restaurants; education philanthropist Betsy DeVos—these and his other nominees are not the yes-men sycophants one might have feared, and they are not insiders whose appointment is merely a good bureaucratic career move.
The second is my observation of the opposition. I was working at home today, on 14th St in the heart of DC, and heard helicopters and sirens all day. Finally I went out to observe some of the protests. They were not an edifying sight. “Black Lives Matter” shut down traffic on Massachusetts Ave. two blocks from my place, with protesters lying in the street to block a major commuter route and shouting “All cops are fascists.”
K Street was closed. I couldn’t get close enough to see the march except for one protester in a fur costume with a sign “Wolves are great.” Environmentalism, I guess.
Police were everywhere, lined up—it seemed to me—more to keep the crowds back than to control protesters’ disruptions, which snarled traffic for blocks around. Yet, as I write this evening, more than 200 people have been arrested, with reports of property destruction and police injuries.
In short, Trump has some good people on his team, and he has the right enemies. But what of his agenda?
His inaugural speech was refreshingly short, and he sounded one good theme: He attacked the “progressivist” idea that experts in a government bureaucracy can make better decisions for people than they can themselves. This doctrine has been a premise of government action for a century, and Trump implicitly denounced it:
"For too long, a small group in our nation’s Capital has reaped the rewards of government while the people have borne the cost.
"Washington flourished – but the people did not share in its wealth."
Does he mean it? I’m not sure.
For one thing, the most prominent theme in his speech was nationalism, “America first.”
"We must protect our borders from the ravages of other countries making our products, stealing our companies, and destroying our jobs. Protection will lead to great prosperity and strength….
"We will follow two simple rules: Buy American and Hire American."
Excuse me, but didn’t Adam Smith refute mercantilist protectionism two-and-a-half centuries ago? I am not an economist, much less a specialist in international trade. Perhaps some deals need to be re-negotiated. But Trump’s theme sounds like a beggar-thy-neighbor policy that has always led to decline. If we trade on open terms, why is trade among nations worse than trade among the several states of our union?
But the worst thing, from my perspective as a philosopher, was the way Trump expressed his opposition to rule by a progressive elite:
"Today we are not merely transferring power from one Administration to another, or from one party to another – but we are transferring power from Washington, D.C. and giving it back to you, the American People….
"What truly matters is not which party controls our government, but whether our government is controlled by the people….
"Your voice, your hopes, and your dreams, will define our American destiny."
Returning power to the people is a galvanizing idea after Obama’s goal to make government “cool” again. But it’s ambiguous, and the ambiguity is dangerous. When politicians refer to “the people,” as candidates do routinely, they usually treat that term as a collective noun. But actual people are not a collective entity. They are individuals. Their voices, hopes, and dreams are not uniform, and cannot be blended into some communitarian consensus, a false hope that Obama and every collectivist leader has invoked. The voices, hopes, and dreams of people are as individual as their individual beings, and just as diverse. They do not amalgamate into a single collective purpose.
Those who think so rightly infer that government is the only way a collective choice can be enacted. Does Mr. Trump agree? If so, his administration will merely replace one favored constituency with another. It would be far better to recognize the basic meaning of “We the people”: The people are not a herd but an association of individuals who seek to live their own lives, by their own lights.
The only power Trump or other leaders can return to “the people” is not the power of collective choice but the power of individual freedom. In the iconic words of
John Galt in Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged, “Get the hell out of my way!”
David Kelley ist der Gründer von The Atlas Society. Als professioneller Philosoph, Lehrer und Bestsellerautor ist er seit mehr als 25 Jahren ein führender Verfechter des Objektivismus.
David Kelley a fondé The Atlas Society (TAS) en 1990 et a occupé le poste de directeur exécutif jusqu'en 2016. De plus, en tant que directeur intellectuel, il était chargé de superviser le contenu produit par l'organisation : articles, vidéos, conférences, etc. Retraité de TAS en 2018, il reste actif dans les projets TAS et continue de siéger au conseil d'administration.
Kelley est philosophe, enseignante et écrivaine professionnelle. Après avoir obtenu un doctorat en philosophie à l'université de Princeton en 1975, il a rejoint le département de philosophie du Vassar College, où il a enseigné une grande variété de cours à tous les niveaux. Il a également enseigné la philosophie à l'université Brandeis et a souvent donné des conférences sur d'autres campus.
Les écrits philosophiques de Kelley comprennent des œuvres originales en éthique, en épistémologie et en politique, dont beaucoup développent des idées objectivistes avec une profondeur et des orientations nouvelles. Il est l'auteur de L'évidence des sens, un traité d'épistémologie ; Vérité et tolérance dans l'objectivisme, sur des questions relatives au mouvement objectiviste ; L'individualisme brut : la base égoïste de la bienveillance; et L'art du raisonnement, un manuel d'introduction à la logique largement utilisé, qui en est à sa 5e édition.
Kelley a donné des conférences et publié sur un large éventail de sujets politiques et culturels. Ses articles sur les questions sociales et les politiques publiques ont été publiés dans Harpers, The Sciences, Reason, Harvard Business Review, The Freeman, On Principle, et ailleurs. Au cours des années 1980, il a écrit fréquemment pour Magazine financier et commercial Barrons sur des questions telles que l'égalitarisme, l'immigration, les lois sur le salaire minimum et la sécurité sociale.
Son livre Une vie personnelle : les droits individuels et l'État social est une critique des prémisses morales de l'État social et de la défense d'alternatives privées qui préservent l'autonomie, la responsabilité et la dignité individuelles. Son apparition dans l'émission télévisée « Greed » de John Stossel sur ABC/TV en 1998 a suscité un débat national sur l'éthique du capitalisme.
Expert de renommée internationale en matière d'objectivisme, il a donné de nombreuses conférences sur Ayn Rand, ses idées et ses œuvres. Il a été consultant pour l'adaptation cinématographique de Atlas haussa les épaules, et rédacteur en chef de Atlas Shrugged : le roman, les films, la philosophie.
»Concepts et natures : un commentaire sur Le tournant réaliste (par Douglas B. Rasmussen et Douglas J. Den Uyl), » Reason Papers 42, no. 1, (été 2021) ; Cette critique d'un livre récent inclut une plongée approfondie dans l'ontologie et l'épistémologie des concepts.
Les fondements de la connaissance. Six conférences sur l'épistémologie objectiviste.
»La primauté de l'existence» et »L'épistémologie de la perception», The Jefferson School, San Diego, juillet 1985
»Universels et induction», deux conférences lors de conférences du GKRH, Dallas et Ann Arbor, mars 1989
»Scepticisme», Université York, Toronto, 1987
»La nature du libre arbitre», deux conférences au Portland Institute, octobre 1986
»Le parti de la modernité», Rapport sur la politique de Cato, mai/juin 2003 ; et Navigateur, novembre 2003 ; Un article largement cité sur les divisions culturelles entre les points de vue pré-modernes, modernes (Lumières) et postmodernes.
«Je n'ai pas à« (Journal IOS, volume 6, numéro 1, avril 1996) et »Je peux et je le ferai» (Le nouvel individualiste, automne/hiver 2011) ; des articles complémentaires sur la concrétisation du contrôle que nous avons sur notre vie en tant qu'individus.